Social Movements and Organized Labour by Jürgen R. Grote Claudius Wagemann

Author:Jürgen R. Grote, Claudius Wagemann [Jürgen R. Grote, Claudius Wagemann]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Social Science, Sociology, General
ISBN: 9781317053675
Google: zmJoDwAAQBAJ
Barnesnoble:
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2018-08-06T00:00:00+00:00

Trade unions as social movements or SMU?

Some scholars have described SMU as a strategic orientation, focussed on member mobilization and coalition building, often in contrast to business unionism, focussed on member service (Lopez, 2004; Turner, 2003). Turner and Cornfield (2007) for instance argue that “social movements” are broader than the labour movement and occur at particular historical moments or in waves. SMU, according to the authors, is a narrower term and involves unions’ strategies that use social movement approaches (including coalition building, civil disobedience, aggressive organizing, network forms and so on). Others, however, have argued that trade unions are social movements, and therefore SMU and business unionism are not mutually exclusive but are both part of a trade union per se (Fairbrother, 2008).

Before we explore this controversy we need to first clarify: what are social movements? There is not one clear, universal answer in the literature. Yet, based on various definitions, social movements must contain the following core features: social movements are collectivities with a degree of temporal continuity; movements are change-oriented and have some degree of organization; movements have at least one target; most current definitions acknowledge that movements must use some extra-institutional tactics (for example protests or demonstrations); and finally, arguably, there is some form of leadership (see, for example, Tarrow, 1994: 3–4; Tilly, 1994: 7).

Considering these elements, trade unions could fall under the category of social movements. However, two simultaneous processes have occurred. First, over time, these trade unions have often become dormant, bureaucratic institutions, incapable or unwilling to mobilize their members. In addition, due to labour’s position in society, between the state and capital, trade unions have suffered from heavy counter-mobilization thus partially causing their decline over time. Processes of co-optation and compromise further contributed to unions becoming a much weaker and less active movement. Along similar lines, as Touraine argued, unions became a social movement – the labour movement – during the period of industrialization when they challenged the “overall system of social control of economic resources” (1986: 154) fighting against the exploitation of the working class and the domination of the elite. Before and since then, however, unions have become more limited in scope and have acted less like a social movement.

Paradoxically, when we compare trade unions and other social movements as distinctive entities, trade unions could potentially have further reaching power than other social movements as they are the legitimate actor collectively bargaining with the employer (Freeman and Medoff, 1984). This bargaining function has resulted in the rise of trade union membership but arguably also the decline of trade unions as social movements. For example, during the Trentes Glorieuses in the Western world, trade unions were powerful institutions with a large membership base. They gained important rights for the working class. Over time, however, the membership started to erode, and the unions remained stuck in a narrow bargaining position over terms and conditions of employment without looking at the wider social demands. Indeed, as a result of changes in the market, migration and state (de)regulation, gender and racial oppression or other forms of social exclusion have emerged.

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